Written by David W. Schitoskey · June 2, 2026

Christ Needs No Defense

Bonhoeffer, Cheap Grace, and the Rival Loyalties Forming the American Church

Christ needs no defense.

That sentence unsettles me because so much of American Christianity seems to have forgotten it. Christ is not fragile. His kingdom is not endangered by election cycles, cultural hostility, declining influence, hostile courts, hostile media, or the loss of national prestige. He is not waiting for the church to preserve Him through outrage, voting blocs, public relations strategies, or cultural counterattack. He is Lord. He is risen. He is not protected by our anger or diminished by our weakness.

Christ needs no defense. He commands obedience.

That is where the crisis begins. Much of what now passes for defending Christ in American public life may actually be the defense of something else: our place, our memory, our nation, our tribe, our inherited assumptions, our fear of cultural loss, our resentment toward those we believe have taken something from us. We may tell ourselves we are defending the faith when, in truth, we are defending the world in which the language of faith still benefits us. We may say we are standing for Christ when we are really standing for a version of ourselves that Christ has already commanded to die.

This is why Dietrich Bonhoeffer troubles me. I am reluctant to invoke him, because his name is too often used carelessly. America is not Germany in the 1930s. Our churches are not the German churches under National Socialism. Our political conflicts are not his political conflict, and careless comparisons can become a way of borrowing moral drama from someone else’s suffering. But Bonhoeffer cannot be dismissed, because his warning was never limited to one regime or one historical moment. He saw something every church in every age must fear: the possibility that the people of God can retain Christian language while surrendering Christian obedience.

That is not a political danger first. It is a spiritual one.

Bonhoeffer saw that a church could still preach, sing, gather, baptize, organize, publish statements, defend traditions, and speak confidently of God while slowly losing the capacity to obey Christ when obedience became costly. He saw that religious vocabulary can survive after discipleship has been hollowed out. He saw that grace can be preached in a way that comforts the sinner without crucifying the old man. He saw that the church can speak of the cross while avoiding the cross.

That is what I fear now. Not because I think America is facing the same moment Bonhoeffer faced, but because I see the same disease by which churches become weak before the decisive moment ever arrives. A church does not suddenly become captive. It is prepared for captivity by years of comfort, self-protection, selective courage, easy grace, and the quiet training of Christians to believe that following Jesus should not cost them too much.

Bonhoeffer called that cheap grace.

Cheap grace is not merely bad theology. It is spiritual anesthesia. It lets us speak of forgiveness without repentance, baptism without death to the old life, communion without confession, church membership without holiness, and Christian identity without obedience to Christ. It allows a person to feel absolved without being transformed. It allows a church to feel orthodox while becoming disobedient. It allows believers to admire the cross while refusing to carry it.

Jesus never spoke that way. In Luke 9:23, He says, “If anyone would come after me, let him deny himself and take up his cross daily and follow me.” That sentence does not need much interpretation. It needs submission. Jesus does not call us to defend Him as a symbol. He does not invite us to attach His name to our preferred loyalty. He does not offer Himself as a sanctifying ornament for our politics, our nation, our tribe, our class, our grievance, or our cause. He calls the self to death.

That is the command comfortable Christianity cannot tolerate.

Comfortable Christianity is what cheap grace becomes after it has settled into a people. It can still look religious. It may quote Scripture, defend doctrine, honor tradition, revere the Bible, celebrate the nation, speak of family values, oppose moral decay, and insist that faith belongs in public life. Some of that may be sincere and good. But comfortable Christianity trains believers to expect reassurance more than transformation. It makes discomfort feel like persecution. It makes correction feel like hostility. It makes sacrifice feel like extremism. It makes repentance sound like something demanded from enemies, not practiced among the people of God.

A Christianity like that can function in ordinary times. It can fill calendars, maintain programs, build institutions, preserve symbols, and speak boldly about the decline of the culture. But it cannot endure a crisis of allegiance. When fear rises, when cultural power slips, when the surrounding world feels unstable, when people feel mocked or displaced or threatened, a faith that has not been trained in self-denial will search for something that feels stronger than the cross.

That is what polarization has offered.

Political polarization has not merely divided American Christians. It has discipled many of them. It has trained instincts the church should have trained. It has taught believers whom to fear before Scripture teaches them whom to love. It has taught them whom to condemn before prayer teaches them how to confess. It has taught them how to excuse their own side before the cross teaches them how to examine themselves. It has taught them to mistake suspicion for discernment, contempt for courage, and victory for faithfulness.

This is why the present crisis cannot be understood as merely political. Christians have always disagreed about public life. Faithful believers can differ over candidates, policies, institutions, strategy, and the best way to pursue justice in a fallen world. Politics requires judgment, and judgment is often difficult. But polarization is doing something deeper than producing disagreement. It is forming identity. It tells people who they are, who threatens them, who is righteous, who is corrupt, what must be saved, and who must be defeated. Those are religious categories, whether we admit it or not.

The American church is not merely being divided by politics. It is being revealed by politics. Polarization is exposing how many Christians were taught to claim Christ without being formed deeply enough to obey Christ when obedience costs approval, belonging, power, or the comfort of being unquestionably on the right side.

That is the urgency. The danger is not that Christ will be overcome. The danger is that Christians will call something Christian because it protects them, comforts them, flatters them, or gives them enemies to defeat.

A Christian formed by costly grace can enter public life without being owned by it. He can love his country without worshiping it. He can vote without making politics his righteousness. He can seek justice without making grievance his identity. He can oppose evil without surrendering truth. He can admit wrong among his own people because his righteousness is not located in his people. He can love enemies not because enemies are harmless, but because Christ is Lord.

A Christian formed by comfort is not prepared for that pressure. If the church has not taught him to deny himself, politics will teach him to protect himself. If the gospel has not taught him to confess sin, tribe will teach him to assign guilt elsewhere. If the cross has not trained him to lose his life, fear will train him to save it. If Christ has not become his deepest identity, he will reach for whatever identity feels strongest when the world becomes unstable.

That is why nationalism and identity politics, though they usually present themselves as enemies, can function with the same spiritual logic. Nationalism can tell a person that his highest identity is his nation, that his people are righteous, that his enemies are corrupt, that his mission is restoration, and that salvation will come through power. Identity politics can tell a person that his highest identity is his group, that his wounds make him righteous, that his enemies are guilty, that his mission is vindication, and that salvation will come through recognition or control.

The clothing differs, but the temptation is similar. Both can offer righteousness without repentance. Both can offer belonging apart from the body of Christ. Both can identify enemies without requiring self-examination. Both can provide mission without holiness and redemption without the cross. Both can make the self feel morally serious while protecting the self from death.

The self is always looking for a righteous costume. It can dress itself in patriotism, justice, tradition, freedom, order, victimhood, heritage, resistance, or moral clarity. It can baptize resentment and call it conviction. It can sanctify fear and call it wisdom. It can confuse contempt with courage. It can mistake winning for obedience. This is why Christ does not merely improve the self. He calls it to the cross.

The church should understand this better than anyone, because Scripture gives no human group permission to trust itself absolutely. The Bible does not flatter nations, rulers, crowds, priests, prophets, victims, rebels, insiders, or outsiders. It judges them all. No earthly people is pure enough to become the measure of righteousness. No earthly wound automatically makes us holy. No earthly inheritance can save. No earthly cause is safe from corruption. Only Christ occupies the place of Lord.

This does not mean patriotism is evil. Properly ordered love of country can be honorable. A Christian may love his country, pray for its leaders, serve his neighbors, honor lawful authority, defend the vulnerable, cherish inherited blessings, and grieve national sins without despising the nation itself. Love of country is not the problem. Disordered allegiance is the problem.

Patriotism becomes idolatry when the nation can no longer be corrected by the Word of God. Political conviction becomes idolatry when victory matters more than truth. Group identity becomes idolatry when belonging to that group becomes more decisive than belonging to Christ. The church does not need to hate America in order to be faithful. It needs to be free enough from America to tell the truth about America. It does not need to withdraw from politics. It needs to be free enough from political identity to judge politics by the gospel.

A captured church cannot do that. A captured church becomes selective in its courage. It condemns the sins of enemies while excusing the sins of allies. It demands repentance from the world while avoiding repentance in its own house. It speaks often of truth but tolerates falsehood when falsehood serves the right cause. It warns against hatred while cultivating contempt. It honors courage when courage is aimed outward but calls it disloyalty when courage turns inward.

That is not faithfulness. It is malformed discipleship. And it is urgent because malformed discipleship does not remain private. It becomes public witness. It teaches the watching world what Christians truly believe, not by what we say about Jesus, but by what we are willing to excuse, defend, ignore, and become in His name.

This is the grief beneath the whole matter. The grief is not that Christians disagree politically. The grief is that many Christians no longer seem troubled when Christ is used as an accessory to loyalties He came to judge. The grief is that the cross can be displayed while self-denial is avoided. The grief is that believers can mistake outrage for courage, intensity for conviction, and winning for obedience. The grief is that the church can become so practiced at condemning the world that it forgets how to repent before the world.

Bonhoeffer belongs here not because he gives us a dramatic comparison, but because he shows us what is at stake when cheap grace becomes normal. The failure of the church in his time was not merely political. It was spiritual before it was political. A church accustomed to cheap grace was not prepared for costly obedience. A church trained to preserve itself was not prepared to suffer. A church that confused institutional survival with faithfulness was not prepared to bear witness when witness became dangerous.

Again, America is not Germany in the 1930s. That must be said clearly. But the pattern Bonhoeffer named is not trapped in Germany. When the church separates grace from discipleship, it should not be surprised when its people lack the strength to resist false forms of righteousness. When the church makes Christianity comfortable, it should not be surprised when Christians reach for stronger identities in times of fear. When the church teaches people to be religious but not cruciform, it should not be surprised when they defend the cross as a symbol while refusing the cross as a way of life.

The answer is not political neutrality. The gospel does not require Christians to become passive citizens, indifferent neighbors, or silent witnesses. Nor is the answer a more religious form of partisanship, nationalism, or identity politics. The church does not need a cleaner captivity. It needs repentance. It needs costly grace.

Costly grace does not save because it is costly. Grace saves because Christ saves. We are not redeemed by our seriousness, courage, sacrifice, or moral strength. We are redeemed by the blood of Jesus Christ, crucified and risen for sinners. But the grace that saves also claims. It calls the forgiven sinner out of self-rule. It calls the comfortable church out of ease. It calls the politically captured believer out of bondage. It calls the patriotic Christian to love country under Christ, not Christ under country. It calls every identity to bow before the Lord who alone has the right to name us, judge us, forgive us, and send us.

The church must recover the difference between being religious and being discipled. A religious people can defend symbols while a discipled people bear the cross. A religious people can seek influence while a discipled people seek faithfulness. A religious people can need enemies while a discipled people confess sin. A religious people can baptize resentment while a discipled people forgive. A religious people can confuse national success with divine favor while a discipled people know that no nation is the kingdom of God.

That distinction changes the central question. A church formed by polarization asks, “How can we win?” A church formed by the cross asks, “How can we obey?” The first question may have its place, but it becomes deadly when it becomes ultimate. The church’s task is not to preserve comfortable Christianity in a polarized age. It is to form Christians who can remain faithful in an age that trains them to be fearful, tribal, suspicious, and angry.

That formation will not come through slogans. It will not come through outrage. It will not come through nostalgia. It will not come through political victory. It will come through Scripture, prayer, worship, confession, discipline, mercy, truth-telling, repentance, and the daily practice of taking up the cross.

Christ’s words remain severe and merciful: “Whoever would save his life will lose it, but whoever loses his life for my sake will save it.” That is the path back. Not panic, not resentment, not retreat, not capture, and not a national restoration project with Christian language attached to it. Christ Himself.

The question is not whether American Christians will have political opinions. They will. The question is whether those opinions will be judged by the cross or protected from it. The question is not whether Christians will love their country. Many should. The question is whether they will love it truthfully, under Christ, without asking it to become their savior. The question is not whether identity matters. It does. The question is whether any identity will be allowed to name us more deeply than the One who bought us with His blood.

Christ needs no defense. He commands obedience. And the urgency is that the church does not have forever to remember the difference. Every day we are being formed. Every day our people are being catechized by some voice. Every day fear, grievance, nostalgia, outrage, and tribal belonging are teaching Christians what to love, what to hate, what to excuse, and what to become. If the church does not recover the cross as the shape of discipleship, then we should not be surprised when Christians keep the name of Christ while following another lord.

Renewal will not begin when the world becomes less hostile, the nation becomes more righteous, or the right people finally gain power. It will begin when the people of God hear the words of Jesus again as though He meant them: deny yourself, take up your cross daily, and follow Me.

“If anyone would come after me, let him deny himself and take up his cross daily and follow me.”